Reflections on Trump

About a year ago I wrote a piece entitled, “The GOP is Not For Me.”  In that article I wrote, “At almost every turn, Republicans are betraying the very Southern voters who put them in power – all to placate a mob of violent radicals in the hopes that they may be able to hold onto approximately 10% of the black vote in future elections.”  To be fair, there never was a political solution.  At that time, however, I wanted to explain my opposition to the notion that voting Republican would help us – the South.  White Southern loyalty was betrayed at almost every turn by a party to whom the South has given fealty at levels nearly comparable to blacks and the Democratic Party.  Unlike black Democrats, who get quite a bit from their Democrat political allies (e.g., affirmative action, corporate quotas, hate crime legislation, the removal of historic monuments, race-based subsidies, etc.), White Southerners get lip service and nothing more from the GOP.

But what about Donald J. Trump?

There are many who question Trump’s purpose as both a candidate and a president.  Some within the Dissident Right theorize that he was an agent of the establishment.  They point to the fact that, despite his rhetoric, he delivered on very little as it pertained to the culture war causes they cared for most.  The theory is that he was intentionally put into office in 2016 as controlled opposition and used as a pretext to accelerate toward a Marxist conclusion.  Whether that is true or not, it is certainly that which happened.  The results of the past two years, most of which were under Trump’s leadership, fundamentally broke the centuries old, functional Anglo society within which we formerly operated.  It has been rapidly replaced with a dysfunctional Afrocentric legal and moral paradigm.  From criminal justice reform to the targeting of White Dissidents by Trump’s Department of Justice to big tech censorship, Donald Trump oversaw the fastest collapse of a Eurocentric state in modern history. 

Still, that said, I do not believe Trump was an agent of the establishment.  Nor, for that matter, do I believe Trump was an agent for ZOG (Zionist Occupation Government).  Those who often explore the ZOG relationship do so based upon Trump’s often over-the-top pro-Jewish/pro-Israel (geography) positions.  He did so despite the fact that he was constantly derided as being antisemitic in the press and nearly every Jewish advisor or bureaucrat within his orbit betrayed Trump.  From Michael Cohen to Lt. Col. Vindman to Gary Cohn – Trump was betrayed by one particular ethnoreligious construct in disproportionate numbers.  I would argue, Jared Kushner betrayed Trump, too, albeit (likely) inadvertently.  Personally, I think Trump’s support of the Jewish community writ large was an extension of Trump’s overall political persona: Trump knew his base – patriotic normiecons – and gave them what they wanted – pro Israel policies predicated on heretical dispensationalist notions on the sanctity of the Jewish people.

In my opinion, Trump was the accidental president who got into a fight with a system he simply did not truly understand.  In 2016, Trump was installed – as the Republican nominee, not the President, per se.  After Jeb Bush lost, the system enabled the ascendency of the other candidate “guaranteed to lose” – Trump.  The problem was that Trump did not know he was supposed to lose. 

How did we get to where we are today – and Trump’s role in all this…

Understanding that Republican wet noodle, Jeb Bush, would never win a national election, the presumptive nominee in 2016 (Bush) was expected to graciously lose to Hillary Clinton.  Once in power, she was designated to complete that which began under George H. Bush: The Long March through the Institutions [the strategy of coopting the government through the careful placement of empowered bureaucrats, educators, etc.]  Whereas I do not believe the Bushes would consider themselves Marxists, their goals aligned with the overtly Marxist Democrat party.  Specifically, the New England patrician Bushes (they are not Texans) believed in the superiority of technocratic government versus the messy republican (little ‘R’) system inherited from the Founding Fathers. 

In part, George H. Bush’s loss to Western small government candidate Ronald Reagan was a shock to both the system and Bush, Sr., himself, in 1980.  He was installed as Vice President to ensure some functions of the technocratic state remained through the eight years of the well-intentioned, but sometimes misguided, Ronald Reagan (Reagan’s amnesty to illegal Hispanics has proved disastrous).  When Bush ascended to the presidency, he and his elite cadre wanted to ensure people like Reagan would never slow the growth of the power of the technocratic state again.  He began laying the groundwork for that which a young, charismatic 1960s Marxist radical-turned-Southern governor, would inherit. 

Upon that foundation, “The Clinton Machine” began to fundamentally transform the mechanisms of the federal government, from the insertion of radical leftists in the Department of Justice to the transformation of the U.S. military with carefully selected left-leaning military officers (with the help of men like Joseph Nye).  Clinton, to his credit, was able to do this while appearing moderate.  Unlike Obama, who never understood the power of subtlety, Bill gave the Republican Party just enough conservative victories to keep on the blinders as to what was happening within the increasingly powerful and newly forming deep state.  By the time Bush, Jr., arrived, the technocracy was largely built and leftist power players were well entrenched. 

For those who do not recall, Bush, Jr., had a number of early troubles with the deep state (e.g., Valerie Plame, Richard Clarke), including various leaks from within his own intelligence and military community.  Unlike Trump, however, Bush had a cadre of seasoned government operatives from his father’s administration to root out the problems early on.  Still, the goal was the same.  While Bush 43 portrayed an “awe-shucks” Texas persona, he increased the power of the deep state with new weapons, such as the P.A.T.R.I.O.T. Act, and a new Global War on Terror.  Weaponizing the desire for Americans to seek revenge in the post-9/11 Era, Bush was able to expand the technocratic state under the guise of the broadening definition of security.  Recognizing that his policies were empowering them, the deep state ultimately backed off of Bush.  By the time Bush left office, the higher-level, leftist middle managers of the technocracy, installed by the Clinton Machine, had carefully climbed the Government Services (GS) ranks and were poised to assist the incoming Obama Administration. 

Whether Bush knew it or not (likely he did), the fact is that technocratic governments thrive within Marxist systems because the power is transferred from the people to the state.  Even if someone within the technocracy does not specifically harbor redistributive Marxist sympathies, they uniquely benefit from those policies and support them.  That is how establishment Republicans and Democrats find common ground in government and places where government is the main engine of economic and political power, like formerly “conservative” Loudoun County, Virginia.   Leftists and elites share a common perspective: they are your intellectual “betters” and therefore, they should be the decision makers, not you or your elected representatives.

Enter Obama.

Obama was clearly a far-leftist and he made no attempts to hide his disdain for Heritage America or Anglo-American norms.  The man was a literal Marxist in every sense of the word, and unlike the previous three presidents, he was also clearly anti-White.  His weaponization of race from the onset of his election was masterfully intertwined with a media narrative that blacks were oppressed and it was now their time to ascend.  This was constructed around other social justice narratives of a similar nature.  Women, homosexuals, transgenders, etc., were all oppressed by a previously Christian White Male run society (“The Patriarchy”) and therefore, it was now their time to get that which was denied them in previous generations (whatever the grievance may be).  The combination of far-left media collusion and the Obama Administration rapidly degenerated into Weimar-levels of social disorder.  The previous Bushes nor Clinton wanted to give up power to the unruly masses, they simply wanted power and redistributive control through bureaucracy.  Obama made the growth of government about an anti-colonial power transference.  Thus, as leftist Clinton appointees were now ascending into the hierarchy of government ranks, they opened the doors for more radical, fellow leftists to enter the government en masse, but with a more radical vision for a future brown America.  The Marxist Long March Through the Institutions was now nearly complete.  As he left office, however, Obama was partially derailed by the less patient, far-left radicals in groups like Black Lives Matter.

Until 2014, Obama’s radical social agenda was largely only recognized by the fringes – the emerging Dissident Right.  Even popular conservative commentators like Rush Limbaugh avoided the third rail of racial politics in the Obama Era.  After the Michael Brown riots, the potential for agenda derailment occurred, as Republicans made large gains in Congress that year.  Essentially, White voters saw the chaos and blatant Marxist rhetoric of BLM and knew they had to do something.  Obama met with BLM, seeking their patience, and that seemed to calm some of the movement.  When Dylann Roof shot several black church goers in June 2015, Obama’s radical, anti-colonialist, anti-White variant of Marxism went on steroids.  The Obama team sensed that changes were happening in the broader White community, which mostly did not support the Roof killings, but also saw the extreme anti-Southern, anti-White rhetoric now pouring out of the White House at full tap.

Enter Trump: the Accidental President.

Donald Trump announced his candidacy a day before the Roof shooting (June 16^th and 17^th, 2015 respectively).   He was immediately labeled a buffoon, antisemitic, and a racist at the same time.  But the appeal of Trump was marginally in his policy prescriptions – which were initially barely recognizable.  It was his fighting attitude coupled with his pro-American posture that appealed to a large, unsettled growth of White voters who knew something was wrong with the country, but they were still incapable of tying it all together.  Demographic replacement, the strength of Maoist Chinese propaganda out of academia, a hostile (largely Jewish) media, and a big business-big government alliance, all formed a uniform front against the interests of ordinary, White Christian Americans.  Still, they were far too focused on Barack HUSSEIN Obama – the Muslim – and Muslim terrorist acts, that they failed to see Obama for who he really was: Barack Hussein Obama was the anti-White Marxist black man in power.  The threat of being labeled a “racist” largely handcuffed almost everyone, until Trump.

For his part, Trump was also afraid of being called a racist, but he did not relent as other professional politicians would have.  When they called him a racist, he brushed off the charges, often citing some obscure black Republican in the audience.  What the country saw next – unfolding on social media daily (but not reported in the Jewish media) – were violent attacks on predominantly White attendees at Trump rallies.  Local law enforcement allowed, and even enabled, the attacks (foreshadowing the events at Charlottesville).  The emergence of an iconic image of a blonde, female Trump supporter, covered in egg and spit, were shared everywhere.  The Left, sensing the possibility that the “Long March Through the Institutions” might hit a speedbump, did everything it could to silence, berate, and violently assault anyone who embraced Trump’s pro-American message.  The details of that message, meanwhile, were largely empty proclamations of Making American Great Again, without much more than standard tax cuts, deregulation, rebuilding the military, taking on China, and addressing the only thing that actually tackled the root cause of modern American disintegration: border enforcement to slow our demographic replacement.  The latter point infuriated the establishment because it relied on those brown voters to achieve their technocratic stranglehold on Heritage America.

The real threat of Trump was that he spoke openly about demographic replacement without ever discussing the true reasons as to why demographic replacement is a bad thing.  The Left called these “dog whistles,” but the same Left flew Mexican flags while burning American flags outside of Trump rallies.  Such disdain for the United States did not go unnoticed by blue collar, patriotic White Americans.  Incapable of self-inflection, the Jewish media could not believe that Heritage America – especially labor Americans who had been abused by technocrat policies for the previous two decades – gravitated toward Trump.

When Trump won, I believe it was a shock to the system – especially the now entrenched technocratic state.  But as former FBI agent Peter Strzok texted his girlfriend, fellow FBI agent Lisa Page, contingency plans were sent in motion to derail the Trump presidency.  The actions that followed were literally those of the Government versus the People for four years.  No one seemed to articulate a reason against his policies, such as his trade war with China, that seemed convincing.  Whether or not someone liked Trump, he was the elected President of the United States and yet, the entirety of the technocratic machine – both Establishment Right and Far Left – fought the man on every front.  When the economy began to roar to previously unforeseen levels, and his reelection seemed imminent, the technocratic deep state with their ideological Chinese allies were ready with an overly-hyped plague – Covid-19 – one that was easily addressed with a nearly over-the-counter medication in use for almost fifty years (Hydroxychloroquine).  For good measure, they rigged voting in several states under the guise of medical precautions during a pandemic – just in case the American people did not blame Covid-19 on Trump (which it appears, they did not).

At the end of the day, the technocratic powers – often called the deep state – were simply better prepared for a usurper than the usurper was prepared for them.

Final Reflections on Trump

I am not sure why Trump ran for office.  I suspect he did so because he actually cared about American power, but never thought he would win.  It was probably a branding stunt that swept him into office faster than even he realized.  His pro-American messaging struck a chord at exactly the right moment.  Heritage America, sick of being vilified by the Democrats, the Mainstream Media, a Minority Alliance, and the Obama Administration for the preceding eight years, chose Trump to fight back.  In all honesty, I think he wanted to fight back, but he couldn’t.  He simply never understood the enemy with which he was engaged or how deeply rooted into the American government they had become.

Trump, the neophyte in this realm (government) was fighting a leviathan with almost three decades of entrenchment and establishment political air cover.  He also deeply misread the political landscape as it pertained to race relations.  Blacks were on the ascendancy in 2016 and Trump’s attempt at meritocratic business management within the government (i.e., hiring talented White men) was seen as a setback to them.  No amount of diplomatic interventions for the likes of A$AP Rocky were going to derail the anti-White, anti-colonial realignment set in motion by Obama – and exploited by the technocracy.  While BLM devastated the country in various cities due to the death of a drug addicted career criminal’s overdose in police custody, Trump looked extremely weak for a month (June 2020) – taking no action to crush the extreme violence occurring at the hands of the Left in Portland, Minneapolis, and Washington, DC.  His inability to recognize that which was happening – a revolution facilitated by the very law enforcement bodies he so trusted (nor did his “Blue Lives Matter” supporters, for that matter) – Trump looked like a man out of his depth for thirty critical days.

To put this in perspective, less federal soldiers died at the isolated firing upon Fort Sumter (zero; two died of an ammunition accident after the bombardment) than those who died at the hands of BLM in 2020 (two executed DHS officials).  Lincoln launched a war against the South, invading with millions of men and materials to ostensibly restore the union.  Trump sat motionless for a week before he finally used a guard contingent to walk over to a historic church that was burned mere blocks from the White House. 

Trump tried to govern as an American president when sides were clearly drawn along racial fault lines.  Obama was the black president, and he was rewarded for it.  Trump tried to be the “everybody president” and in so doing, empowered the Department of Justice to crucify his most ardent White supporters… enabled big tech to censor White dissidents… empowered funding platforms to remove the means of White activists to receive remittances and engage in financial exchange… encouraged, through Trump’s silence, businesses to fire Whites who questioned the system…  All of this cost Trump the support of the Dissident Right megaphone that once corralled support for Trump.  Those who were not prosecuted, censored, and/or doxed, simply walked away.  Ultimately, after Trump’s Dissident Army was out of the way, the same parties came after Trump – from tech censorship to financial deplatforming to new criminal charges out of New York. 

I suspect Jared Kushner was largely to blame for Trump’s antipathy toward the Dissident Right and the plight of White American dissidents, but ultimately, Trump was the boss.  If he chose to listen to Kushner, that is on Trump – not Kushner.   Trump understood the pulse of the American people.  Trump did not understand the dynamics of government.  His management style and personality were not enough to override the powerful deep state and the racial realities upon which much of its power is derived: everyone EXCEPT Whites.

In sum, I believe Trump was well intentioned, but out of his league.  He could not decouple from his suicidal relationship with Jewish actors, almost all of whom stabbed him and his agenda in the back.  Trump is a charismatic figure who had some good ideas.  He was not prepared for that which he stepped into.  He certainly did not understand that the very groups he thought were patriotic nests – such as the intel community, law enforcement, and the military – were, in fact, fundamentally transformed over the past two decades.  His desperate “Q” supporting fans also lacked this ability to acknowledge that the military and police of 2020 were nothing like the military and police of 1988. 

I am sure Trump has had time to reflect on his battles and knows where he went wrong, but he probably still lacks the ability, insider knowledge, and connections to address them.  In his late seventies, Trump will not be back in the White House.  He would be better suited riling up the crowds for another, younger candidate with a better grasp of inside baseball and a more loyal, internal following. 

The one good thing that Trump did was that he ripped the blindfold off White people.  I doubt that was intentional.  But now Whites are increasingly aware of that which the Dissident Right has been saying for a decade – it is us against them, now.  I hear this unsolicited sentiment nearly everywhere I go.

The deep state is real.  The theft of the election was so blatant, it is laughable.  The Covid-19 mania and subsequent vaccine push are obvious globalist operations.  White Christians are now the targets of mass persecutions.  Reform of the federal government is not possible.  There are no political solutions in this current democratic arrangement.  All of this is becoming increasingly recognized by yesterday’s normies. 

For that – intentional or not – we can thank Donald J. Trump.

Mission Accomplished!