When the Irish Finally Fight Back

Last week, a fifty-year-old Algerian migrant to Ireland attacked a number of Irish school children with a knife. The brutal attack was suppressed quickly, but not before serious damage was done to children as young as five. Whereas the Algerian is to blame for the attack, the imported monster was the result of Irish policies for nearly a generation. Enough is enough.

For the past ten years, the Irish government has betrayed the Irish people in every possible way – from a demographically crushing importation of primarily Southwest Asian and North African migrants to sinister COVID-19 lockdowns that wreaked havoc on the social fabric of Irish society. The Irish government is at full war with Ireland. To say the Irish government is an outright enemy of the Irish people is an understatement. I am fully of the opinion that the only thing that separates the evil and vile governments of Dublin and Washington, DC, is the reality of the American geography and the sheer number of weapons the American public enjoys. Meanwhile, on the smaller, disarmed Irish population, the government has experimented with every Far Left, radical extremist positions fed to them by the European Union and the multinational corporations that call Ireland home for the sake of tax abatements.

Ireland is unrecognizable. This does not feel like the Ireland that fought for centuries against a foreign occupier. This is not even the Ireland that enjoyed swagger and pride regarding the ascension of the “Celtic Tiger” phenomenon – contrived as that ascendancy may have been. This is an Ireland that has been beaten into submission by a new foreign occupier: globalist deviancy. It was less than ten years ago that I stood and watched one of my five daughters baptized in Dublin before heading West to my mother’s birthplace.

I never saw a black face on the M4, M6, or M17. Tinkers were the issue less than a decade ago. Ireland was still a Catholic country covered with wonderfully pale faces. Yes, Irish society was changing rapidly, but “hook up” culture was largely a city thing. “Culchies” (the term for that which would best be described as an Irish redneck) were immune from the slow sprawl of Dublin degeneracy. Going to Mass in Ireland is often a shock for Americans. The speed at which a Mass is performed in Ireland is rocket fast compared to the slower pace of the United States. Still, the pews were filled. Older women still wore lace or kerchiefs over their heads in observation of the solemnity of the Church. But times have changed – as evidenced by the legalization of gay marriage, abortion, and the introduction of a homosexual prime minister who was not chosen by popular will. The wonderfully unique and beautiful Irish culture is under assault.

At what point do the Irish fight back? To be sure, last week’s protests that took place in response to the suicidal Irish migration policies that led to the Algerian knife attack were a start. An Páirtí Náisiúnta – The National Party – has been steadily growing, even after an attempt to undermine its messaging earlier this year. The NPs’s steady mantra imploring Ireland to “house the Irish” – a direct jab at the government’s policies that give preferential housing priorities to migrants over the needs of homeless Irish citizens – has resonated. The pittance of an Irish antifa have been beaten out of the streets on more than one occasion. In fact, it is my personal belief that Sinn Fein was elected to a second plurality position in the Irish Parliament largely because of the misperception that the party is a nationalist one. It is not. Sinn Fein would put the gayest globalist voices in America to shame.

All of this points back to the question of “when.” When will the Irish get fed up? When will the Irish stop the destruction of every facet of their very existence? When will the Irish decide to stand up to their oppressors – namely their own government led by a sodomite foreigner – and punch back?

I do not believe you will have to wait that long. There is a bubbling cauldron of intensity growing beneath the turf. In fact, the relative tranquility enjoyed by Ireland is an historical anomaly. What is important to remember is that the Irish still have an incredible capacity for organized, violent resistance. We are only one generation removed from the Troubles.

Approximately twenty-five years ago, the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) and the combined Unionist-Loyalist factions, signed a treaty through political intermediaries to come to terms that ended “The Troubles.” The thirty years of sectarian war that claimed the lives of more than three-thousand-five-hundred (3,500) people (mostly civilians) and claimed nearly fifty thousand (50,000) total casualties between 1967 and 1998 was merely another chapter in the violent history of Ireland. Well before the English “invitation” to invade Ireland in 1170, the Vikings had established themselves in bloody conflicts with the Gaelic inhabitants of the island dating back to the early 9^th Century. Prior to that, the Irish themselves were known as pirates and raiders who preyed upon Roman merchant ships throughout late antiquity.

Ireland has known violence for as long as Ireland has been Ireland. It was, therefore, not a surprise to many when a bombing in Omagh threatened to disrupt the Northern Irish treaty – the Good Friday Peace Accords – less than six months after the signing. Thirty (30) dead and nearly two-hundred-twenty (220) wounded reminded everyone that peace was not what everyone sought, especially a group calling itself the Real Irish Republican Army (RIRA). Eventually, the RIRA would morph into the New IRA, with allies from the Continuity IRA (another breakaway group from the Provisionals). Both are active today with a combined footprint of approximately one thousand armed, trained, and organized men.

The complexity of Irish republican sectarian groups can be difficult for Americans to navigate. The groups have varying interests. Generally speaking, whereas the Provos were nationalist-Marxists with close ties to the Soviet Union and Irish-Americans, the NIRA/CIRA can better be described as nationalists and social democrats (i.e., economic populism). In effect, the policies they advocate are more closely aligned with that which would have been advocated by fascist parties throughout Europe in the early 20^th century, even if they would not characterize themselves as such. It is not a stretch to believe that young, deeply angered Irishmen who are witnessing the disintegration of their country in real time eventually arise to fight.

This becomes more likely given the recent complexity of geopolitical events, the Irish Parliamentary democracy that is ripe for exploitation, and Ireland’s role as a political “go-between” for the U.S. and the EU. The Russian-U.S. rift is likely to spread and Irish neutrality will be tested like never before. All of the elements are there to witness American cultural exploitation to ensure Ireland remains a liberal democracy in the most diverse and exceedingly grotesque manner that only Americans can export in the 21^st Century. Surely, the contrast between Russian conservatism and American lasciviousness will endear rightwing, nationalist groups to begin making overtures to their Russian colleagues – if that has not already happened. The Russians were there for the Irish before and they will likely be there again, as well, if not to simply disrupt American hegemony. The Chinese have already made inroads with Northern Irish groups.

Meanwhile, Irish democracy is messy and rife for exploitation in ways that easily deny a voice for the Irish people. If history has proven anything, it is this: when a people cannot “revolt” by means of a ballot, they choose guns. The importance of free speech and open elections is that they give an aggrieved populace an outlet. Ireland is crushing both. First, the current prime minister, the foreign homosexual, Leo Varadkar, was essentially put into power in 2017 and was the compromise candidate for 2022. Without getting into the weeds of the Taoiseach, Varadkar, a member of the marginally “right” of center Fine Gael, was chosen over the more popular Irishman, Simon Coveney (current Minister for Enterprise, Trade, and Employment). Coveney was the preferred choice of the majority of Fine Gael supporters, but thanks to some horse-trading and the unique method of Irish Parliamentary voting, Varadkar was installed. After Sinn Fein won a significant number of seats in 2020 and Michael Martin barely held onto a Fianna Fail (“center”-left) victory, the Taoiseach went to Martin. By 2022, Martin resigned the post as part of a coalition government, and it went back to Varadkar in a move that exemplifies the terrible options the Irish have politically.

It is my opinion that Sinn Fein did well because Sinn Fein was viewed as the nationalist party of Ireland. It is not. It is an extreme Far Left, global Marxist party. But their years of pro-Irish rhetoric led many voters to believe that Sinn Fein’s political platform was pro-Irish. For the struggling Irish working classes, the desperation for some kind of pro-Irish relief manifested in a victory for a party that is far from pro-Irish. It is the de facto pro-migrant, pro-homosexual party of Ireland – which says a lot, given that the center-right party is literally led by a homosexual child of migrants.

Regardless, this highlights the reality of the Irish domestic political landscape. With all but one option – the National Party – fighting against the interests of the Irish people, the Irish are bound to lose what little confidence they already have in the system. Guns replace ballots when that happens.

Finally, there is one thing that is genetically ingrained in the Irish: their sense of justice. For both good and bad, Right or Left, manipulating the keen sense of justice has always played a role in Irish political dynamics. This is a people who rise up when they feel someone or somewhere is wronged. It explains why they are keenly anti-colonialists and often side with leftist political viewpoints. It is the same reason some of the most ardent voices from the emerging Dissident Right are of Irish extraction. The firm belief that tearing down historical monuments and suppressing free speech is wrong underlies the same motivations of those Irish who believe monuments stand for oppression and speech is the catalyst for more oppression. I do not have to like that which motivates Irish leftists to understand the justifications they feel for their actions – even when I am personally the target of that vitriol.

In the same vein, there will be those Irish who ardently support migrants as part of a global commitment to equity. They will see their actions as “just.” Another set of Irish – myself included – will be motivated by the deep injustice to the Irish people if our culture, society, and heartland are ripped away from us after years of fighting to regain it. The tie-breaker will go to the broader population’s views as to the fairness of government actions.

Because the events of the 1916 Easter Rebellion have been lionized over time, it is hard to imagine a point whereby the event was deeply unpopular among the broader Irish population. It was not the actions of the brave Irishmen who stood against British oppression that inspired revolutionary zeal in 1916. It was the actions that the British took toward those men – many of whom were executed – that engendered sympathy for their cause and plight. It was that broader sense of injustice that led to 1918.

Similarly, most Irish nationals in the Republic were not pro-Provisional IRA, but they became sympathetic after Bobby Sands died of starvation due to a hunger strike that involved ten martyrs. It was not the actions of the PIRA or even the British military that inspired support. Rather, it was the cold, callous disregard for human life by then-Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher – a pro-American ally of then-President Ronald Reagan – that caused support to swell. I grew up in a very pro-Reagan household. I also grew up in a pro-Irish nationalist household that supported the original IRA, but not the “Provos.” We said Novenas (Catholic prayers) for Bobby Sands and the rest of the hunger strikers in the living room of our little Ocala, Florida home. Why? It was the just thing to do.

If the Irish government decides to suppress Irish dissident voices – which I suspect their European Union and American multinational corporate masters will require them to do – it will backfire. The Irish will not tolerate such suppression, even if they feel it is initially justified. If they go too hard, which I suspect they will, the Irish will fight back.

Rumors abound as to where the guns can be found in Mayo, Sligo, and Galway, and shovels are plenty. The government will push men to dig out old weapons. It is then that I believe fighting will resume in Ireland – a country that is well versed in the politics of the gun.