One of the worst-kept secrets within Dissident Right spheres is that its best proselytizers have always been the pathologically triggered leftists of the mainstream media. From high perches in Fifth Avenue office buildings they sip vanilla lattes and cast the blown pupils of the Fourth Estate across the vast, dimly understood American hinterlands (This is the red land/This is cactus land) in search of Americans committing thoughtcrime. It is clear their misunderstanding of Middle and Southern America will not improve.
The last week has seen a flurry of panic pieces from such august bastions of the printed word as Vox, New York Magazine, and of course the The Atlantic. In Ezra Klein’s e-rag, an article by Zach Beauchamp reveals a battery of online test subjects startled psychologists into reporting that up to eleven million Americans are willing to share the pro-white racial sensibilities of the “alt-right” when queried anonymously. Another, looser test reported by Ed Kilgore at New York Magazine more than doubles that estimate to 24 million. This is not an insubstantial constituency—especially when the criteria for inclusion winnows out all lukewarm support and controls for only the most hard-core of the far-right. Meanwhile, whether in feint or terror, Atlantic‘s Adam Serwer concedes victory. Despite overwhelming repudiation of the “alt-right” “Nazis,” an emergent cadre of the GOP chattering class from Alex Jones to luminaries like Heather MacDonald and Ross Douthat regularly make reference to the political wall that is the decline of white America and the perils of unmitigated immigration. Whatever the outcome of various demonstrations of the last year and despite high-profile turbulence within the ranks of the nascent coalition, the capstone plank of the Dissident Right narrative has entered mainstream discourse.
The Dissident Right, though, cannot afford to be a one-trick-pony. Nor does it have the manpower or financial resources of an occupied academia spewing “experts” into the managerial ranks of corporatocracy at an ever-increasing rate. Its task remains difficult, but achievable given the cartoonish incompetence of the fading legacy media’s attempts to disguise the abject tyranny of the political class or curtail the ideological abandon of its own screeching Leftist vanguard. The Dissident Right must continue pressure on the demographic and immigration narrative, but it must also prove its robustness by finding new fronts to open and exploit. In doing so, the creeping Right front steps into a target-rich environment.
The environmental movement, like the American worker, has seen its distinct interests fade into an appendage of the left cultural bloc. Where Green activists could be targeting real issues like the overwhelming depletion of the world’s fisheries and ringing the alarm bell about recently uncovered existential threats to human civilization like “methane burps,” they are reduced to quibbling about minority attendance figures at National Parks. Only the reification of borders, cooperation between sovereign nations, and the admission that vast migrations of low-skill workers are the greatest threat to the ecological landscape will set the Green movement free from launching weak pot-shots at the Trump administration’s proposed border wall and shutting down job creation over concerns about tiny populations of endemic minnows.
The opportunities for true opposition to the neoliberal excesses of the Democrat industrial complex and its milquetoast lackeys in the “Party of Lincoln” are legion, and the Dissident Right is the only force in American politics positioned to attack. In order to capitalize on the successes of the last two years, and in the absence of a true American Left willing to do so, Right-wingers must keep the demographic question from fading into the mayhem of a wild-card election year, and they must connect with disaffected constituents all over the formal political continuum to forge a coalition of true populism, with the exploitative managerial class squarely in the cross hairs at all times.